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It is a messy sport. The Iowa Republican Walter I. Smith was fishing for evidence of something that was obvious but hard to prove: the people running West Point were allowing hazing to continue, even though it was against the rules of the academy. The cadets would not corroborate this.
They forthrightly admitted to specific infractions but grew cagey when it came to generalities about the prevalence of hazing at the school. One notable exception was Cadet Lewis Brown Jr. It began when Cadet Brown stated that hazing was a necessary part of the West Point experience, because it humbled conceited plebes. This did not go over well with the congressman from Council Bluffs.
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I do not think it is impudent or arrogant in a good many cases to break regulations. With that, Brown was excused, having left posterity a valuable glimpse of the West Point code.
This assumption was wrong. The limits of imagination truly were the only meaningful constraint on American officers charged with executing the violent labor of colonial conquest. Most often, early Americans used the tactics and techniques of petite guerre in shockingly violent campaigns to achieve their goals of conquest. To center the Indian Wars in our military history is to center genocide in our national history.
And so, where history should be, there is instead myth. Frank Norris, Jack London , Slotkin shows that the white combatants in savage war were portrayed less as disciplined soldiers than autonomous warriors, knights errant. When it came to the prosecution of small wars, West Point at the turn of the last century trained its cadets to be aristocrats of violence. The US military did not publish an official manual on unconventional warfare until ; however, notes Andrew Birtle in his survey U.
Out-Post emphasizes agility, flexibility, and cunning—small units, intelligence gathering, skirmishes, ambushes, raids. Vattel offers many humane proposals, urging decent treatment of civilians, arguing against cycles of reprisal, and so on. This is the ethos that Cadet Brown was defending.
If breaking regulations is declining to submit to the orders of my superiors, I would have to admit so, because I do break regulations. Orders are one-off directives legitimized by the authority of the man who gives them, not because he is a man though this is a prerequisite but because he is a fellow officer. Rules and regs are fungible abstractions—mere outlines. When circumstance demanded it, officers could make their own rules, asserting a prerogative that might be justified via superficially reasonable logic necessity , but that in reality was backstopped not by logic but by the arbitrary self-justification of privilege.
Hazing was officially disavowed. Familiarizing themselves with a repertoire of illicit cruelties, cadets desensitized themselves to violence while absorbing certain lessons about the kind of power they were being taught to wield and its negotiable relationship to law.
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The very fact that hazing was prohibited was the core of its tacit pedagogy. Trump, how do you feel about waterboarding? S o said Trump in one of his most repugnant speeches ever, delivered on February 19, , in Charleston, South Carolina. Pershing executing Muslim insurgents:. General Pershing was a rough guy. And he caught fifty terrorists. And he had his men load his rifles, and he lined up the fifty people, and they shot forty-nine of those people. This conflict was so dirty that it was expunged from national memory almost as soon as it was over.
When was the last time you saw a Moro War memorial? And yet, with the exception of our never-ending story in Afghanistan, the Moro War is the longest military conflict in American history, lasting from to A number of graduates of the West Point class of , including William Augustus Mitchell, wound up serving in this lengthy war.
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If the southern Philippines has not exactly been a graveyard of empires, the region has not occasioned much imperialist rejoicing either. When the Spanish ceded the archipelago to the United States in , the Moro people—the name is an umbrella term for a number of indigenous groups, all of whom practice Islam—had been resisting colonial occupation for centuries, and they had no intention of laying down their arms. They were adept at guerrilla warfare, and Pershing proved adept at finding and killing guerrillas. He was apparently fairly enlightened as colonial military governors go.
This is not a high bar, but Pershing made serious efforts to negotiate political settlements with Moro leaders and endeavored to learn about their culture. He did not preside over a mass execution like the one Trump described. No such incident ever took place. Nevertheless, the journalists fact-checking the Charleston speech went too far in exonerating the revered commander. They accurately reported that the firing-squad lie was rooted in an ugly truth: American soldiers in the Philippines desecrated the corpses of suicide warriors, called juramentados , by burying them with the carcasses of hogs.
But they either ignored the question of whether Pershing knew about these burials or said there was no evidence that he did. Yet in his memoirs which are in print and searchable online , Pershing wrote of his time as military governor:. These juramentado attacks were materially reduced in number by a practice the army had already adopted, one that Muhammadans held in abhorrence. The bodies were publicly buried in the same grave with a dead pig. It was not pleasant to have to take such measures, but the prospect of going to hell instead of heaven sometimes deterred the would-be assassins.
By then no one was paying attention.
Sometimes people forget history and are thereby doomed to repeat it. Sometimes people forget history so that they can repeat it.
When Trump tweeted about the firing-squad myth in August , the whole thing was rehashed. Both as a military governor and, earlier, as a captain in the field, he was no doubt happy to negotiate and to avoid violence if he could achieve his objectives without it. But he also dispensed the havoc and death that military necessity required, leading attacks on forts called cottas although he knew that civilians, including children, traditionally sheltered in them.
This is evident in his attitude toward the blasphemous burials. Given that he was the head of the chain of command, his choice to do nothing about the ongoing desecration of enemy dead was not a passive posture.